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By:Benjamin Hudson Yeager
Published on 2021 by

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Previous literature on the relationship between the post-1949 Chinese state and Chinese intellectuals has emphasized its oppositional characters; specifically, the measures taken and extent to which the party-state placed intellectuals and their beliefs under surveillance and scrutiny. My dissertation takes a different approach, highlighting areas of cooperation and accommodation between the state and the intellectual class. The state, for example, took active steps to find employment for out-of-work intellectuals at the start of the 1950s and ensured that political study requirements were not particularly disruptive, and even less punitive. To the extent that there was disharmony in the relationship, it usually arose from low-ranking cadres, many of whom were not formally educated and took a more skeptical view of intellectuals than did the upper echelons of the party-state. This work also surveys the steps intellectuals took to advance their interests, through letter-writing and petitions to government officials to advocate for themselves and their colleagues. As such, intellectual agency during the 1950s is the analytical centerpiece of this dissertation. I argue that many of the gains won by intellectuals possessed staying power, in contrast to previous scholarship which has focused on the disappearance of free speech rights during the Anti-Rightist Campaign of 1957. This work shows, instead, that early communist statebuilding was a collaborative process in which intellectuals helped actively set the tenor of their relationship with the new government. The logic of educational expansion, however, produced a new generation of intellectuals toward the end of the decade more radical than the one that came before, setting the stage for intergenerational conflict between intellectuals of various ages during the following decade

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